This article has been edited since it first appeared in print.
U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger discusses infrastructure funding at a press conferencein November. (Photo by Jay Paul)
As the traffic whirs and rumbles above her, U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger is straining to be heard.
At a press conference two days before Thanksgiving, the Democrat from Henrico County is standing at a podium beneath the spaghetti works at Dock and 18th streets in Richmond, touting Congress’ recently passed infrastructure bill. Her voice, however, struggles to rise above the din of midafternoon traffic descending from the bridgework that crisscrosses overhead.
“We saw a direct need in our communities. We gathered with lawmakers from all corners of the country, engaged in negotiations and delivered results for the people,” says Spanberger, flanked by roughly a dozen union workers, who murmur and clap on cue. “We are finally addressing the needs of our roads, our bridges across the commonwealth … the expansion of broadband connectivity. We’re building our electric vehicle network and boosting our resiliency against climate change.”
With the 2022 midterms fast approaching, the $1 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act signed into law by President Joe Biden in mid-November will funnel more than $8 billion in federal funds to Virginia. The infusion will create jobs, reduce commute times and help mend supply chain disruptions, says Spanberger, who refers to the bill’s passage as a “transformational investment in our economy.”
She plans to spend the next several months delivering that message to her constituents in the 7th District, currently made up of eight rural counties and large portions of Chesterfield and Henrico in Central Virginia. There’s only one problem: Her district is about to disappear.
Part of the statewide redistricting process following the release of the 2020 census, the Virginia Supreme Court finalized newly drawn congressional maps in late December, officially moving Spanberger’s 7th to the Northern Virginia exurbs. In the process, Spanberger became something of a political nomad; the western suburbs of Chesterfield and Henrico, part of the old 7th and key to Spanberger’s victories in 2018 and 2020, are now part of the newly drawn 1st District.
Considered a rising star within the Virginia Democratic Party, Spanberger, 42, announced on Dec. 29 her intentions to seek election in the new 7th, now centered in the counties of Stafford, Spotsylvania and a portion of the populous Prince William. She did not say whether she planned to move — members of Congress aren’t required to live in the districts they represent — but Stephen Farnsworth, a political science professor at the University of Mary Washington, said it’s politically prudent to do so, especially considering that several high-profile Prince William Democrats have already expressed interest in the seat.
“Voters in a given district will not take kindly to a representative who doesn’t live in the district trying to represent them,” Farnsworth says. But if she does relocate, Spanberger, despite her moderate political profile and newcomer status, has some distinct advantages: “It’s important to remember that this is a Democrat-friendly district, but it is not a district where the [Democratic Party] has a particularly liberal dimension,” Farnsworth adds. “There are gradations of Northern Virginia Democrats. Once you get farther out, whether you are talking about western Prince William or Stafford, a moderate Democrat would have good prospects, particularly as an incumbent in Congress.”
Spanberger will also have some familiar constituents. The new 7th includes some overlap, says longtime Democratic strategist Abbi Easter, in Orange, Culpeper and Spotsylvania counties. Meanwhile, Spanberger’s fundraising prowess should give her an edge in the primary.
“She has always worked well in that [federal fundraising] system," Easter says. "She doesn’t take money from certain PACs. She’s always held herself to incredibly high fundraising standards. I think that will be demonstrated in the primary.”
Spanberger’s political stock has risen considerably since winning her first election in 2018, turning back a popular Republican incumbent, Dave Brat, in a district controlled by the GOP for nearly four decades. A centrist Democrat known for her constituent work — she’s hosted dozens of town halls and forums — Spanberger has built a reputation as an effective grassroots campaigner, managing to distance herself from the liberal wing of the party while blunting conservative attacks on the right. She rarely mentioned former President Donald Trump by name, for example, when she ran against Republican Del. Nick Freitas in 2020.
At times, she’s been an outspoken critic of her own party’s messaging. She chastised more progressive colleagues for propagating hard-left views, including defunding the police, after the 2020 presidential election. She also critiqued Biden in the fall for his slow response to the supply chain issues that have stunted the economy’s recovery.
Spanberger has a knack for finding and articulating common ground, says Easter, who chairs the current 7th District Committee for the state party.
“People call me up all the time to complain about many Democratic things,” Easter says. “I have not had anyone call me to complain that [Spanberger is] too moderate, that she’s not progressive enough. I have rarely seen someone where her grassroots and Democratic activists are so happy with her all across the spectrum.”
But 2022 promises to be different. The political environment has shifted dramatically since Spanberger last ran for office two years ago.
In November, Virginia Republicans won the governorship and regained control of the House of Delegates by running on an anti-government platform — giving parents a greater say in public education, eliminating vaccine mandates and cutting taxes. An unpopular new president, rising inflation and the seemingly never-ending pandemic have opened the door for Republicans, says Rich Meagher, a political science professor at Randolph-Macon College. Their message is simple: Big government spending packages like the infrastructure act aren’t the answer.
“The lesson of Republican politics over the last five decades is if you have a simple message, usually an emotional one, that wins out over wonkiness,” Meagher says. “And the Democrats, just like constitutionally, it’s like, ‘We’re passing a $3 trillion bill that does 450 things, and here’s the, you know, 17 items.’ That isn’t good politically.”
Spanberger insists that good policy is good politics. And despite the shifting districts — the new maps won’t go into effect until 2023 — she plans to continue serving her constituents in the current 7th until her term ends later this year.
“What is within the realm of what I control is the policy I advocate for, the things that I vote for,” Spanberger says, “and how I tell the community I represent about all of the things that I am doing for them.”
